In
this great enterprise of social demolition that is
now commonly referred to as “state re-engineering”,
housing and tenants’ rights are part of the
sectors that are being severely affected. We already
knew that times had gotten tough for tenants in the
recent years with the rapidly aggravated state of
the housing crisis, but we can expect things to get
worse in the future if nothing is done to reverse
this trend.
We
can recall how the liberals had made the electoral
promises to freeze the government’s budget in
all sectors with the expectation of the health and
education sectors. Obviously, housing is not accounted
for in the spared areas. The mere fact that no new
money will be injected in this sector at a time when
tenants are being pushed against the wall in the context
of a totally inflationist housing market means they
will be more exploited than ever by profit hungry
landlords.
Let’s
recall a few facts: it’s been estimated that
23 000 new housing units would be needed to reach
a so-called “balanced” occupation level
of 3%; more than 218 000 households spend over 50%
of their incomes in rent, and at least 17 500 people
are on the waiting list for a social housing unit
in the montreal area alone.
Despite
this situation, the liberal government has done nothing
but adopt more harmful policies since its ascension
to power. The budget allotted to social housing has
been slashed by more than 25%, which will mean more
physical deterioration of social housing units that
are mostly already old. What’s more, the PQ’s
promises of investing 128 million on social housing
has just simply been cancelled. Instead of going to
the root of the housing problem and building more
social housing, the Charest team will try to put a
ridiculous bandage by investing a meager 10.7 million.
We can count on this money to be used almost exclusively
as emergency measure for the hundreds of households
that will find themselves on the street once again
come July 1st.
To
top it all off, the liberal government hasn’t
even announced any kind of plan to build more social
housing, one of the most fundamental ways with which
the housing crisis can be resolved. At the very most,
it’s promised to maintain the PQ’s ridiculous
promises (13 500 units over five years, a promise
that’s finally been brought down to 11 000)
– but nothing has been said of the future. As
if that’s not enough, we’ve just learned
that the 3000 tenants who had received a rent supplement
as an emergency measure to help them find an apartment
during the 2002 and 2003 July 1st crises, are now
going to lose this precious help come July 1st 2004.
Hence, we can expect all the people who had barely
escaped ending up on the streets the last three years
right back where they had started. Let’s hope
that, just like the Liberal party “They’re
ready!”
The
Role of the State in Quebec: The Example of the Rental
Board
When
we talk about the reengineering of the State and of
it’s role in Quebec, we’re not only referring
to empty concepts that don’t mean anything;
we’re talking about people and real life situations.
We can learn a few such lessons by using the example
of the Rental Board, that is supposed to be a neutral
and objective administrative tribunal of the State.
If you’ve been keeping up with daily news, you’ve
probably heard of landlord associations openly criticising
the Rental Board. If we were to believe them, we’d
be convinced that this is a circus tribunal that only
serves to defend the rights of tenants, where the
arbitrators and workers are nothing more than the
clones of François Saillant. When we look closer,
however, and into the annual report that the Board
publishes every year, you’d quickly realize
that it’s anything but that.
While
landlords claim that rents should only be submitted
to the market rules of supply and demand, they are
the ones who, in 95% of the cases, go to the Board
to set the rent; they are at the origin of 13 284
demands out of 13 982 of this type. In a period of
four years, we can see that landlords’ demands
at the Board to set rents has climbed by a spectacular
416%. “We don’t want it anymore, but we’re
using it 4 times more”, is basically what the
landlords are saying. More than even, it’s becoming
clear that instead of trying to reach friendly agreements
with their tenants regarding rent prices, landlords
are all the more intent on increasing the rents.
What
are the tenants supposed to do?
The
numbers published in this report make it pretty clear
that tenants are losing more and more power in the
face of housing laws. It was very common in the past,
for example, for tenants to use the law which allows
for the cancellation of a lease. But what’s
the use of canceling a lease these days, now that
it’s practically impossible to find another
apartment. It’s not a big surprise then to learn
that tenants’ have reduced their demands for
lease cancellations by 51% in the past two years (for
a total of 602 in 2003) and that the same recourse
used by landlords has increased by 74% in two years
(5620 in 2003). We can tell from these stats that
even in extreme situations, increasing number of tenants
choose to keep their apartment, mostly because of
the fear of not being able to find another one.
As
we’ve said earlier, even though we’re
told the same old refrain that the Rental Board is
working in the favor of tenants, it’s obvious
that it’s helping landlords kick people out
on the street. In fact, for the province of Quebec,
as many as 34 400 demands for lease cancellations
have been made and just as many tenants have lost
their apartments. Another worrisome phenomenon that’s
appeared in the past few years has been the drastic
increase in repossessions that reached a peak of 2
055, the number of demands climbing by 152% in the
past two years and increasing 266% over four years.
Moreover, the Rental Board doesn’t seem to mind
the fact that lease cancellations can be heard within
40 days and that in contrast, other demands from tenants
can be expected to be dealt with in an average of
100 days. In essence, it’s deemed normal that
tenants have to wait 2 months longer than their landlords
when they are the ones who bring a case at the Board.
After
all this, can we still pretend, like the landlords
do, that the Board is on the side of tenants? Can
anyone still buy the idea that the reengineering of
the State is being done to benefit all Quebec’s
population, when more than 60% of us live as tenants
in urban centers? The dramatic situation in the housing
sector just demonstrates once again that Charest rules
for the profit of his buddies, the rich and the landlords.
We say it and we’ll say it again: the right
to private property always comes into conflict with
the right for us to house ourselves.